draft/ritual_discourse_in_RPGs.html
branchecjdr
changeset 92 bdef1afd1170
equal deleted inserted replaced
91:3164c82ac16e 92:bdef1afd1170
       
     1 <!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN"
       
     2     "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd">
       
     3 
       
     4 <html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
       
     5 
       
     6 <head>
       
     7 	<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8" />
       
     8 	<title>The Forge :: Ritual Discourse in Role-Playing Games</title>
       
     9 </head>
       
    10 
       
    11 <body>
       
    12 <table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="100%">
       
    13 	<tbody>
       
    14 		<tr>
       
    15 		<td><a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/"><img src="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/forge_logo.jpg" alt="The Forge" border="0" vspace="1" /></a></td>
       
    16 		<td  valign="top" width="100%"><span class="maintitle">The Internet Home for Independent Role-Playing
       
    17 Games</span><br />
       
    18 <a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/about/">About the Forge</a> | <a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/donate.php">Support The Forge</a> | <a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/articles/">Articles</a> | <a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/reviews/">Reviews</a> | <a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/resources/">Resource Library</a> | <a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/">Forums</a>
       
    19 		</td>
       
    20 		</tr>
       
    21 	</tbody>
       
    22 </table>
       
    23 
       
    24 <div id="content">
       
    25 
       
    26 	<h1 id="doctitle">Ritual Discourse in Role-Playing Games</h1>
       
    27 
       
    28 	<p id="attribution"><span id="author">by Christopher I.
       
    29 Lehrich</span>&nbsp;<tt>&lt;<a href="mailto:clehrich@bu.edu">clehrich@bu.edu</a>&gt;</tt><br /></p>
       
    30 
       
    31 <h2>Introduction</h2>
       
    32 
       
    33 <p>Theoretical analysis of RPG's remains largely cut off from other
       
    34 theoretical discourses, a situation that tends of itself toward
       
    35 sterility. Two reasons for this isolation predominate. First, RPG
       
    36 theorists come from a wide range of educational backgrounds, and as
       
    37 such have no shared body of theoretical models or discourse on
       
    38 which to draw. Second, RPG theory hopes to serve a constructive
       
    39 function, rather than a purely analytical one: where the
       
    40 anthropologist for example traditionally understands herself as
       
    41 necessarily exterior to the people and situations she analyzes, the
       
    42 RPG theorist wishes to employ the results of his analysis to
       
    43 improve his own gaming.</p>
       
    44 
       
    45 <p>The former difficulty need not concern us unduly. So long as
       
    46 theoretical models from outside current RPG discourse receive
       
    47 adequate formulation and explication in RPG terms, only an <i>a
       
    48 priori</i> hostility to other theoretical constructs would dismiss
       
    49 them out of hand. It is worth considering that such hostility does
       
    50 appear mutual -- that is, much RPG discourse formulates itself in
       
    51 opposition to academic theoretical discourse, while many academics
       
    52 continue to express disdain and scorn if not outright hostility for
       
    53 role-playing games as an activity -- but resolution of this can
       
    54 only come about in a historical situation as yet hard to imagine.
       
    55 Thus I shall set the issue aside, stating only that I intend to
       
    56 explain fully whatever theoretical constructs I deploy.</p>
       
    57 
       
    58 <p>The second problem, however, inheres in the nature of RPG's
       
    59 themselves. A purely theoretical analytical model of RPG's, i.e.
       
    60 one without any practical application whatever, will generally be
       
    61 received poorly, if at all, within RPG communities. Indeed, even
       
    62 RPG theorists who go to considerable lengths to formulate the
       
    63 practical implications of their models are sometimes derided as
       
    64 airy pseudo-intellectuals. Fortunately, some recent RPG
       
    65 publications by members of the theoretical community have received
       
    66 accolades,<a href="#note1">[1]</a> and this will presumably have
       
    67 the long-term salutary effect of legitimizing theoretical work
       
    68 within the hobby at large.</p>
       
    69 
       
    70 <p>At the same time, analyses of RPG's have come to formulate
       
    71 practical, essential divisions and categories, and argued that
       
    72 these may be unbridgeable. For example, Ron Edwards's tripartite
       
    73 GNS model rests upon the notion that the three categories must
       
    74 remain discrete in order to avoid paradigmatic clash and attendant
       
    75 misunderstandings among players, leading in turn to poor play. That
       
    76 is, a group of players with strongly Narrativist tendencies should
       
    77 be wary of playing a strongly Gamist-structured game, or
       
    78 introducing into the group a player with such an approach. While
       
    79 "hybrids" -- games that effectively serve more than one of the
       
    80 three major play-types -- are conceived as possible, a central
       
    81 point for Edwards is that Narrativist-oriented play is not
       
    82 well-suited to Gamist-oriented games, and that groups who attempt
       
    83 such may need to revise the game extensively to fit their needs.
       
    84 Similarly, a single player who cannot conform to the paradigmatic
       
    85 norms of the group in which she plays will probably find herself
       
    86 continually at odds with other players, leading to social conflict;
       
    87 this player would be best advised to find another game.<a href="#note2">[2]</a></p>
       
    88 
       
    89 <p>In his recent article "Story and Narrative Paradigms in
       
    90 Role-Playing Games,"<a href="#note3">[3]</a> John Kim argues that
       
    91 underlying such categories we find two approaches: "Collaborative
       
    92 Storytelling" and "Virtual Experience." These tend, like Edwards's
       
    93 categories, to remain divided. In what Kim calls "Paradigm Clash,"
       
    94 we find a naturally-occurring conflict between perspectives:</p>
       
    95 <div class="sidebarblock">To the storytelling point of view, the
       
    96 experiential view seems to result in an unnecessarily limited set
       
    97 of techniques. . . . Experiential play may also seem passive,
       
    98 letting events happen rather than actively controlling them. . . .
       
    99 [Conversely,] To the experiential point of view, storytelling play
       
   100 seems to be creating a product for a nonexistent reader. . . .
       
   101 Experiential players faced with storytelling play may complain
       
   102 about breaking suspension of disbelief, or lack of depth.</div>
       
   103 <p>Conflict arising from disjuncture, narrative or otherwise, is
       
   104 not only theoretical. Most gamers have experienced it, and one
       
   105 great strength of Edwards's model (derived from the earlier
       
   106 Threefold Model developed in the Advocacy newsgroup<a href="#note4">[4]</a>) is to emphasize recognition and classification as
       
   107 means to avoiding the problem. In both his and Kim's models,
       
   108 players and groups who recognize their preferences in a categorical
       
   109 sense can select games to fit their desires, or revise them so,
       
   110 leading to enjoyable play with a minimum of fuss and trouble.</p>
       
   111 
       
   112 <p>While I support this general constructive point, and do not
       
   113 presently wish to challenge the classification itself (a
       
   114 much-contested issue), I suggest that a hard-line division within
       
   115 analysis leads toward weaknesses in a general understanding and
       
   116 formulation of how RPG's really function. By drawing on some
       
   117 theoretical models outside of RPG's, I would like to propose a more
       
   118 unified model of RPG narrativity.</p>
       
   119 
       
   120 <p>A word about practicality: I do not, in the present article,
       
   121 formulate the practical implications of this model for game design
       
   122 or play. I do not see this as a weakness in itself: if the model
       
   123 serves analytically, it can have synthetic value. But the two
       
   124 operations have at least a notional distinction, and can operate
       
   125 well in isolation. If theory must face a practical proof-critique,
       
   126 then all analysis is already crypto-synthesis; logically speaking,
       
   127 there is thus insufficient distance postulated to ensure the
       
   128 validity of the analysis. In short, without the ability to
       
   129 distinguish at least heuristically between theory and practice,
       
   130 theoretical work can never have real logical force, lending weight
       
   131 to the criticisms mentioned at the outset.</p>
       
   132 
       
   133 <p>A further point: I intend to propose a ritual model for RPG
       
   134 play, based upon recent understandings of ritual within the
       
   135 academic discourses of anthropology, sociology, and history of
       
   136 religions. This model would appear to fall squarely into the common
       
   137 discourse of analogy as theory, of proposing that RPG's are "like"
       
   138 something else in order to help emphasize a point otherwise
       
   139 unclear. Such analogical reasoning is founded upon an essential
       
   140 methodological principle: the analogy is not identity. Thus
       
   141 response to the proposal is constrained to two related moves. On
       
   142 the one hand, one may move to expand the analogy, picking up
       
   143 additional aspects of the metaphorized object or activity and
       
   144 further relating them to RPG's; on the other, one may move to limit
       
   145 the analogy, demanding that the metaphor not be taken to the point
       
   146 of absurdity.<a href="#note5">[5]</a></p>
       
   147 
       
   148 <p>Some find this mode of analysis useful, primarily in a creative
       
   149 sense. If one "gets" the analogy, in its logical extension and
       
   150 intension, one thinks about the hobby in a somewhat new way,
       
   151 perhaps leading to new creative engagement with design or play. But
       
   152 if one does not "get" the analogy, the tendency, naturally, is to
       
   153 dismiss it as unhelpful, or to reformulate it endlessly until one
       
   154 does "get it." Either way, the reason to analyze such a metaphor is
       
   155 generally synthetic, to create new ways of engaging with the hobby.
       
   156 In other words, the proposal of yet another analogy serves no
       
   157 <i>analytic</i> function.</p>
       
   158 
       
   159 <p>In proposing a ritual model of RPG's, I do not wish to add
       
   160 another analogy to the lists. I do not mean that RPG play is
       
   161 <i>like</i> ritual at all; I mean that it <i>is</i> ritual.
       
   162 Therefore classical and recent tools of ritual analysis apply fully
       
   163 to RPG's, for <i>analytical</i> purposes, for making sense of RPG's
       
   164 as something other than an entirely isolated hobby, indeed for
       
   165 seeing RPG's as a human cultural product not particularly
       
   166 distinctive to modern society. If to some this seems a claim that
       
   167 RPG's are not special and extraordinary, I suggest on the contrary
       
   168 that this grants to RPG's a legitimacy and "specialness" attendant
       
   169 upon their roots in wider humanity and culture.<a href="#note6">[6]</a></p>
       
   170 
       
   171 <h2>Ritual</h2>
       
   172 
       
   173 <p>An obvious first step in proposing this model is the formulation
       
   174 of a definition of ritual. Unfortunately, perhaps, such definitions
       
   175 have been the focus of extensive debate for more than a century
       
   176 now, with no clear end in sight. More models have been proposed of
       
   177 what ritual "is" than many readers might believe. I have no
       
   178 intention of summarizing this whole history; I will instead simply
       
   179 propose a starting-point.</p>
       
   180 
       
   181 <p>The above-mentioned disjuncture between "Collaborative
       
   182 Storytelling" and "Virtual Experience" parallels, in a number of
       
   183 respects, two recent emphases in ritual theory.</p>
       
   184 
       
   185 <p>Virtual Experience correlates well with Ronald Grimes's and
       
   186 Victor Turner's focus on "performance," which ultimately amounts to
       
   187 a notion of total involvement in ritual activity.<a href="#note7">[7]</a> In ritual, according to this perspective, humans
       
   188 engage the totality of hearts, minds, and bodies, setting them to
       
   189 work creatively and dynamically to produce effects within the
       
   190 social and mental worlds of the participants. Thus in <i>zazen</i>
       
   191 (Sitting Zen), one does nothing but sit, generally in an approved
       
   192 posture; one's mind and heart should be similarly focused on
       
   193 nothing but sitting, not in the sense that one should think
       
   194 continuously, "I'm sitting," but rather that one's mind should be
       
   195 in a state parallel to the body's state, thinking nothing, resting,
       
   196 yet remaining alert and awake, receptive to outside contact. In the
       
   197 Catholic Eucharist (Mass), to take a quite different sort of
       
   198 example, liturgical tradition emphasizes that the communicant
       
   199 should be fully involved in the process, such that when the
       
   200 miraculous transformation of the substance of wafer and wine
       
   201 (Transubstantiation) occurs, and when in fact the communicant
       
   202 receives these into the mouth, it is not only one's body that
       
   203 receives the body and blood of Christ, but the totality of body,
       
   204 mind, and soul. Thus this understanding of ritual emphasizes what
       
   205 in RPG terms is called "immersion," a total involvement in the
       
   206 activity. Failure on this score would be seen as ineffective
       
   207 (<i>zazen</i>), impious (Eucharist), or shallow (RPG).</p>
       
   208 
       
   209 <p>The Collaborative Storytelling model is less obviously
       
   210 commensurate with a ritual model. Two directions, however, support
       
   211 this formulation. First, there is Claude L&eacute;vi-Strauss's
       
   212 structuralist interpretation of mythic and ritual thought as <i>bricolage</i>, and second, there is the movement largely
       
   213 associated with Pierre Bourdieu, Sherry Ortner, and Catherine Bell
       
   214 toward understanding ritual as "practice" (or "praxis" in the more
       
   215 overtly Marxist formulations).<a href="#note8">[8]</a></p>
       
   216 
       
   217 <p>L&eacute;vi-Strauss's idea, in simple terms, is that cultures think like oddly artistic hobbyists. <a href="#note9">[9]</a> Imagine
       
   218 you have a basement full of stuff from which to build whatever you
       
   219 like. You have bits of old machines, things your neighbors threw
       
   220 out, scraps of wood, and tail-ends of old projects, as well as the
       
   221 taken-apart bits of all your old projects. Now you decide to build
       
   222 something, and you have some ideas -- aesthetic and practical --
       
   223 about how that should be done; you are very skilled and talented,
       
   224 and can see possibilities in all sorts of things. But you do not
       
   225 have a Home Depot available, or you consider it "cheating" to go
       
   226 buy things. At any rate, you have to build the thing you're going
       
   227 to build from what you already have in your basement.</p>
       
   228 
       
   229 <p>A nice example is a Rube Goldberg cartoon, though those are
       
   230 deliberately silly. You fly a kite, and the kite string pulls a
       
   231 lever, and this pushes an old boot, and that turns on your iron,
       
   232 and the iron burns some old pants, and smoke goes into a tree,
       
   233 and.... A brilliant example is the recent Honda advertisement
       
   234 called "the cog," which can readily be found on the
       
   235 Internet.<a href="#note10">[10]</a> The point is that one
       
   236 constructs an elaborate machine out of bits and pieces already
       
   237 owned.</p>
       
   238 
       
   239 <p>L&eacute;vi-Strauss's point is that each object used contains its own
       
   240 history; that is, the iron <i>has already been used for
       
   241 something</i> and the <i>bricoleur</i> then <i>gives it a new
       
   242 use</i>. The iron, to focus on the single example, is a local
       
   243 source of heat; it can burn pants, or make a grilled-cheese
       
   244 sandwich, and of course can press a shirt. But it cannot be a
       
   245 refrigerator. And if, clever person that you are, you pull the
       
   246 heating coil out of the iron for some project that requires a
       
   247 heating coil, your iron now contains the history of its usage: it
       
   248 is now a heating coil and a heavy weight.</p>
       
   249 
       
   250 <p>Every sign in myth and ritual, says L&eacute;vi-Strauss, is like this iron, and every living mythic culture is like this
       
   251 <i>bricoleur</i>. When faced with a (social) situation, an
       
   252 intellectual problem of whatever kind, the <i>bricoleur</i> begins
       
   253 by running through his memory (the basement) to see what he already
       
   254 has that can be used to solve the problem. He then builds the
       
   255 machine that solves the problem, in the process incorporating the
       
   256 entire history of every object in question, and furthermore
       
   257 altering (however slightly) each object so used; when he goes to
       
   258 build something else, later on, the current project will be part of
       
   259 the history of each object.</p>
       
   260 
       
   261 <p>Technically speaking, every sign is thus <i>constrained</i> and
       
   262 yet <i>free</i>. On the one hand, it is not constrained to the
       
   263 degree of a <i>percept</i>, a particular contingent mental
       
   264 encounter with an actual object; this percept is what is called a
       
   265 "perception" in the formalist model to which Kim refers. A percept
       
   266 is entirely constrained, because when a person looks at a given
       
   267 object on two successive occasions, his or her mental equipment has
       
   268 altered -- to use a clich&eacute;, one cannot enter the same river twice.
       
   269 At the same time, a sign is not fully liberated, as is a
       
   270 <i>concept</i>, an idea arising in reaction to a particular
       
   271 person's connections to a percept: when I look at the lamp on the
       
   272 table, I may think of my grandmother (who perhaps owned a similar
       
   273 lamp), and thus "grandmother" is a legitimate conceptual link, but
       
   274 no such connection may arise for you, and even if it did, it would
       
   275 be a different grandmother. So a <i>sign</i> (L&eacute;vi-Strauss means
       
   276 the Saussurean version of the sign) is both constrained (the iron
       
   277 cannot be a refrigerator) and free (it can do a whole range of
       
   278 things involving local intense heat). In L&eacute;vi-Strauss's linguistic
       
   279 analogy, this iron is a sign in the same way as a word is: the word
       
   280 "iron" can mean a range of things (the metal, the instrument) but
       
   281 it cannot mean <i>anything</i> at all. Furthermore, this word only
       
   282 acquires meaning by its relations to other words: if I say "iron,"
       
   283 you do not know until I go on with "a pair of pants" what sort of
       
   284 meaning I intend, even whether it is a verb or a noun.</p>
       
   285 
       
   286 <p>The other approach I want to bring up, "practice" theory, arises
       
   287 from a number of rather technical difficulties with structuralism,
       
   288 and amounts to an attempt to understand manipulation of signs and
       
   289 symbols in strategic yet controlled ways. With respect to ritual,
       
   290 practice theory argues for a continuity among behaviors, as against
       
   291 the disjuncture of ritual from other modes of action. The signs
       
   292 used in ritual, that is, acquire meaning from their extra-ritual
       
   293 contexts, and furthermore the special meanings accorded to them in
       
   294 ritual carry over into other modes of life.</p>
       
   295 
       
   296 <p>From a practice perspective, every ritual contains within itself
       
   297 a number of structures, just as in structuralism; these structures
       
   298 are in essence the Rube Goldberg machines constructed by the
       
   299 <i>bricoleur</i>. As we know from L&eacute;vi-Strauss, the iron can be replaced by any other source of local heat, since its only function in the machine in question was to create smoke by burning a pair of pants. Thus the machine has a structure, requiring a number of elements, but the specifics of which objects or signs are used to
       
   300 fill those element-slots are open. What interests practice theorists is strategic choice: how do people decide whether to use an iron or a space heater?</p>
       
   301 
       
   302 <p>Broadly, the question in practice theory is how people choose,
       
   303 from a limited range of culturally-available options, which
       
   304 techniques to apply at a given moment. This depends on strategy: we
       
   305 want to maximize rewards in a specific situation. But in order for
       
   306 strategy to work, we have to play the game; that is, one cannot go
       
   307 outside the structure of the system to manipulate signs as one
       
   308 likes, because to do so annuls the power of the strategy in the
       
   309 first place. Thus every strategic use of signs is at once a free,
       
   310 liberated exercise of power by a situated person, and at the same
       
   311 time a contribution to keeping the system stable and intact without
       
   312 significant change. The possibility of real change is thus
       
   313 undermined by the very strategies which seek to change the system,
       
   314 because they depend for their efficacy upon the structures in
       
   315 question.</p>
       
   316 
       
   317 <p>If the dichotomy between virtual experience and collaborative
       
   318 storytelling parallels that between performativity and what we
       
   319 might call the practice of <i>bricolage</i>, as yet this parallel
       
   320 serves no analytical or synthetic function; it is once more an
       
   321 over-theorized and over-determined metaphor. In addition, it is as
       
   322 yet under-explained, in that the theories may be formulated but
       
   323 their application to the specific situation of RPG's is not yet
       
   324 clear. In short, while we can see a parallel division within both
       
   325 the two discourses and the two modes of behavior, this does not
       
   326 answer the question: <i>why are RPG's ritual</i>?</p>
       
   327 
       
   328 <h2>Semiotic Modeling of Ritual and RPG</h2>
       
   329 
       
   330 <p>I have noted that Kim's use of the formalist
       
   331 perception-discourse-conception model parallels the semiotic or
       
   332 structural percept-sign-concept model. The difficulty with the
       
   333 formalist model for this purpose, however, is that it is focused
       
   334 primarily on an <i>interpretive</i> perspective, in which the
       
   335 analyst stands in a perceptive relationship to a <i>given</i>discourse; like the circular model in hermeneutics,<a href="#note11">[11]</a> the central issue is how an interpreter can make sense of a discourse already present, how we approach meaning through interpretation of texts and signs already distant from their producers (authors). Thus a central preoccupation of both formalist analysis and of hermeneutics has been the analysis of ways in which the reading situation is <i>not</i> conversational, in which reading a text is not having a conversation with the author. But in RPG's, the situation is normally conversational in an obvious sense, and thus this mode of analysis focuses on problems seemingly distant from those in RPG's.</p>
       
   336 
       
   337 <p>The structural model of signification, from which the practice
       
   338 theory also arose, is by contrast primarily concerned with the use
       
   339 of signs by a current producer, a situation more obviously
       
   340 commensurable with RPG play. The question, in short, is not how
       
   341 players read a text produced for them by a game-master, but rather
       
   342 how the whole group in combination produces signs and texts that
       
   343 they themselves read. The structural model of signification fits
       
   344 well here, as the primary issue is to understand ritual or mythic
       
   345 activity as a mode of discourse production.</p>
       
   346 
       
   347 <p>In ritual, participants manipulate a range of signs within a
       
   348 constrained structure. That structure can change through such
       
   349 manipulations, but only within narrow limits. Every Catholic
       
   350 Eucharist differs significantly, in that the place, people, and
       
   351 physical environment of the ritual vary, but this variation is
       
   352 officially read by participants as within a fixed structure. The
       
   353 post-Vatican II use of the vernacular in the Mass, for example, was
       
   354 at once a major transformation of the structure of the ritual, and
       
   355 at the same time theorized as not radically transformative: even in
       
   356 the vernacular, according to the Vatican II council, the Eucharist
       
   357 retains its sacramental efficacy. From a semiotic perspective, the
       
   358 linguistic alteration represents a new negotiation of liturgical
       
   359 language as a discrete sign, where Vatican II agreed that the
       
   360 differences between Latin and the vernacular should not be
       
   361 understood as an essential structure of the ritual, but rather a
       
   362 relatively arbitrary sign amenable to conversion without
       
   363 undermining ritual structure itself.</p>
       
   364 
       
   365 <p>At this same level of semiotic manipulation, we can see in RPG
       
   366 reconstruction and revision a parallel analytical discourse. Taking
       
   367 to its extreme the Edwards et al. formulation that "system
       
   368 matters,"<a href="#note12">[12]</a> the claim is a clearly
       
   369 structuralist one: transformation of system elements in RPG's
       
   370 effects concomitant transformation of gameplay and orientation. For
       
   371 example, a combat system dominated by so-called "realism", usually
       
   372 meaning a high prioritization of real-world simulation in modes of
       
   373 action and effects of violence, is not a discrete sign that may be
       
   374 removed from a given game and replaced with an entirely stylized,
       
   375 anti-"realist" combat system. Because such a system element is
       
   376 <i>structural</i>, it links to all other parts of the total game
       
   377 structure and its transformation thus strongly affects the whole.
       
   378 Mike Holmes has made this point well, arguing that a "realist"
       
   379 combat system colors the whole game, such that all activity occurs
       
   380 with reference to such a preoccupation with violence;<a href="#note13">[13]</a> as Kim puts it,</p>
       
   381 
       
   382 <div class="sidebarblock">[E]ven if a gun is never fired during the
       
   383 game session, the mechanics for that [weapon] may influence the
       
   384 story -- because they shape how the player conceives of guns within
       
   385 the fictional world. If the mechanics make all guns exceptionally
       
   386 deadly, it increases the tension in a scene where a gun appears
       
   387 even if the gun is never fired.</div>
       
   388 
       
   389 <p>Thus the "system does matter" principle argues that system
       
   390 elements are motivated signs, and thus contain structure; their
       
   391 transformation affects the totality of the structure.</p>
       
   392 
       
   393 <p>Between the Vatican II approach to language and the Forge
       
   394 approach to system, however, we must recognize that the difference
       
   395 is not absolute; furthermore, the distinction drawn is ideological,
       
   396 not "factual." There can be no question, for example, that the use
       
   397 of the vernacular in Catholic Mass has significantly changed the
       
   398 ways in which Catholics experience the ritual; indeed, were this
       
   399 not so, there would have been no reason to make the change in the
       
   400 first place. Vatican II asserted a matter of aesthetic and
       
   401 theological priority: however far-reaching the effects of this
       
   402 transformation, they argued, the essential core of the ritual
       
   403 (transubstantiation in a broad sense) would not be affected, and
       
   404 whatever aesthetic loss of force might be entailed by the loss of
       
   405 the affective qualities of Latin (as traditional, foreign, ancient,
       
   406 powerful) would be more than made up for by gains in broader
       
   407 spiritual involvement (through understanding the liturgy
       
   408 intellectually, thus affectively through content rather than
       
   409 through an aura of ritualism). Indeed, Martin Luther's move to the
       
   410 vernacular was intended partly to <i>combat</i> the affective
       
   411 dimension of Latin as itself powerful, arguing that this amounted
       
   412 to a kind of fetishism or idolatry: the focus should be, he
       
   413 thought, on the <i>content</i> of the words spoken, rather than on
       
   414 their linguistic <i>medium</i>.</p>
       
   415 
       
   416 <p>In Forge RPG theory, conversely, there is an implicit
       
   417 distinction between <i>system elements</i> and other elements. It
       
   418 is certainly plausible that the radical transformation of the
       
   419 combat system of <i>Dungeons and Dragons</i> from the AD&amp;D
       
   420 system to the recent d20 system considerably changes all elements
       
   421 of gameplay, even those not overtly connected with combat; to
       
   422 replace the combat system with a more freeform model akin to <i>The
       
   423 Pool</i> would presumably effect further changes. But first of all,
       
   424 it seems clear that transforming other elements of the game
       
   425 (setting, background, character generation) would also entail
       
   426 drastic concomitant changes in gameplay; for example, d20 games not
       
   427 based on <i>Dungeons and Dragons</i> genre and story conventions
       
   428 exist in considerable numbers, and certainly do not play exactly
       
   429 the same way as does <i>Dungeons and Dragons</i>. In short, it is
       
   430 unclear how one is to classify elements into arbitrary and
       
   431 motivated, into those which can be shifted without large-scale
       
   432 structural effects and those which cannot.<a href="#note14">[14]</a></p>
       
   433 
       
   434 <p>More interestingly, RPG theorists (taken in the broadest sense)
       
   435 generally make a series of divisions among elements in their games,
       
   436 and implicitly argue for relative arbitrariness. That is, the
       
   437 notion that a "combat system" is in any sense a discrete element, a
       
   438 discrete structure, should not be accepted uncritically. If the
       
   439 Forge "system matters" principle argues that even apparently
       
   440 discrete structures like this are motivated and not arbitrary, we
       
   441 must recognize that this presumes a tendency to see such systems as
       
   442 arbitrary, that they <i>are</i> apparently discrete. By emphasizing
       
   443 that "system" is motivated and structural, the Forge theorists
       
   444 further suggest a prioritization of elements, where motivation is
       
   445 taken as superior to arbitrariness, so that theoretical analysis
       
   446 and synthesis should focus on structure rather than sign. To put
       
   447 this differently, it is implicit that RPG's consist of a vast group
       
   448 of interrelated elements, falling into a <i>natural hierarchical
       
   449 order</i>; those nearest the trunk of the tree, as it were, are
       
   450 relatively motivated and theoretically important, while those
       
   451 nearest the branch-tips are more arbitrary and of lesser
       
   452 theoretical weight.</p>
       
   453 
       
   454 <p>At the same time, few would argue that the arbitrary,
       
   455 non-structural signs are trivial or unimportant. Such arbitrary
       
   456 elements as Color (essentially affective set-dressing in imagined
       
   457 space) or snack choices by players are not irrelevant, and may in
       
   458 particular instances be elevated to structural elements: the
       
   459 game-concept <i>Long Pig The Role-Playing Game</i> made snack
       
   460 choice and usage into a system element, while <i>Ars Magica</i>
       
   461 troupes interested in medieval history may make set-dressing a
       
   462 primary focus for play.<a href="#note15">[15]</a> But the claim is
       
   463 that it is by <i>shifting</i> such elements from arbitrary to
       
   464 motivated, from incidental to <i>system</i>, that they become
       
   465 analytically important; in general, the analyst does not focus
       
   466 classification on such elements, but rather begins with system.</p>
       
   467 
       
   468 <p>The important point here is that whether the issue is the
       
   469 relative weight of meaningful dimensions of liturgical language or
       
   470 the classification of structural elements in RPG's, the
       
   471 understanding is in both cases <i>ideological</i>, intended not
       
   472 only to classify and analyze the ritual in question but also to
       
   473 emphasize and push for improvement in the activity, thus making
       
   474 normative claims about what the ritual <i>should</i> be about.
       
   475 Precisely at this point, predictably, the ideological weapon of
       
   476 "practicality" often comes into play in RPG discourse: because a
       
   477 more purely analytic classificatory model (e.g. the polythetic
       
   478 comparative model proposed for the humanities by Jonathan Z.
       
   479 Smith<a href="#note16">[16]</a>) eschews normative claims in the
       
   480 form of practical suggestions for game design or ritual construction, the RPG theorist codes such classification as impractical, thus valueless. This is equivalent to a Catholic liturgist saying of an academic theorist's analysis that it is irrelevant because it does not help formulate new dimensions in Mass. For the academic, however, this is precisely the point: she may be interested to see the results of her analyses serving a constructive use to the liturgist, she does not wish to impose her perspective upon those she studies. Ronald Grimes, for example, believes deeply that ritual theory can be of constructive value for people seeking to formulate or reformulate their rituals, but as a rule he does not tell them how to go about it.<a href="#note17">[17]</a> A ritualist who denounces Grimes for not proposing a "how-to" makes an entirely ideological -- and ultimately incoherent -- claim: if Grimes does not propose a "how-to," his work is useless; if on the other hand he <i
       
   481  >does</i> tell ritualists how to "fix" their rituals, he will (and should!) be denounced for telling others what they ought to believe.</p>
       
   482 
       
   483 <p>I have come a long way around, but the notion of RPG's as ritual
       
   484 can now be asserted directly. Between RPG theory and RPG practice
       
   485 there exists a dynamic relationship structurally identical to that
       
   486 between the theory and practice of ritual within lived ritual
       
   487 communities. RPG theory, by this logic, is only commensurable to
       
   488 academic theory and analytical method through a deeper and more
       
   489 complex formulation; a relatively direct correlation links RPG's to
       
   490 rituals in their actuality.<a href="#note18">[18]</a> In order
       
   491 to recognize this link, we must accept the duality of theory and
       
   492 practice as integral to ritual performance itself; in other words,
       
   493 rituals are not actions or activities performed in isolation from
       
   494 their cultural worlds, but rather performances related to
       
   495 theoretical concerns in the same way as game-play relates to the
       
   496 theory and system-construction that surrounds it.</p>
       
   497 
       
   498 <p>To put this differently, and more specifically, RPG play enacts
       
   499 theory, in the sense that standing behind and prior to play is a
       
   500 series of theoretical constructs: system design, GM notes, pre-play
       
   501 agreements and social contract, genre expectations, and other
       
   502 theoretical tools. From this perspective, RPG play acts out this
       
   503 prior structure; this is equivalent to the old reading of ritual as
       
   504 acting out a liturgical text. At the same time, the prior structure
       
   505 is to a degree open to challenge within game play, and furthermore
       
   506 does not fully constrain particular game actions, determining a
       
   507 range and a set of priorities rather than laying out a script. As
       
   508 has been recognized for some decades now, the same can be said of
       
   509 the most formal ritual: within apparent constraint there is scope
       
   510 for contestation, not only of the various issues and questions
       
   511 related to a particular ritual's situation within the social
       
   512 context, but also of the ritual itself with all its symbols.</p>
       
   513 
       
   514 <p>Nevertheless, these two views are always in dynamic, creative
       
   515 tension: the available range of manipulations of ritual signs
       
   516 stands within a structural context only slightly accessible to
       
   517 interior challenge. For example, radical transformation of Catholic
       
   518 liturgy cannot proceed from within ritual <i>performance</i>
       
   519 itself, while small-scale local transformation and contestation are
       
   520 fully expected. Radical transformation of liturgy, as we have seen
       
   521 with Vatican II, must come from a theoretical discourse <i>exterior
       
   522 to</i> performance. Conversely, such discourse acquires its ability
       
   523 to challenge ritual structurally by sacrificing its analytical and
       
   524 normative force at the local level; that is, while Vatican II could
       
   525 change liturgical language, a structural change not available to a
       
   526 given congregation at the moment of performance, the congregation
       
   527 can manipulate particular performances to effect social meanings
       
   528 inaccessible to the Vatican. For example, a particular wedding
       
   529 ritual may be used, at a given moment and in a particular
       
   530 contingent historical situation, to enable deep consideration
       
   531 within the congregation about the traditions of marriage, divorce,
       
   532 and childbirth; these same issues can be discussed by the College
       
   533 of Cardinals, as indeed they are, but not at the level of
       
   534 particular people in particular time, since they can only formulate
       
   535 principles and cannot apply them individually.</p>
       
   536 
       
   537 <p>Precisely the same dynamic obtains in RPG discourse. While a
       
   538 given structural situation of notes, game system, theoretical
       
   539 models, and so forth formulates a contextual model within which
       
   540 play occurs, such structures do not extend to the level of
       
   541 individual particularity that is central to play experience; that
       
   542 is, no game structure can be so logically intensive as to dictate
       
   543 every action and speech by every participant at all times, because
       
   544 to do so (even were it possible) would annul the entire nature of
       
   545 the game <i>as</i> game. In fact, this limitation of theoretical
       
   546 efficacy is granted the status of a virtue in Forge theory, through
       
   547 the double formulation of "practicality" as a rational anchor and
       
   548 the hierarchization of the relative motivation of system structures
       
   549 as relative theoretical importance. Not surprisingly, we find that
       
   550 the usual model of RPG discourse has it that performance (play) is
       
   551 the "real" anchor of RPG's, and that theory is understood by its
       
   552 proponents as a potentially liberating source of creativity and
       
   553 energy for "real" play.</p>
       
   554 
       
   555 <h2>Liminality in Ritual and RPG: Preliminary Classification</h2>
       
   556 
       
   557 <p>If we recognize in RPG's a dynamic interaction of theoretical
       
   558 and practical reason, between structure and event, it is not clear
       
   559 how within the practical sphere the active, strategic manipulation
       
   560 of signs actually works. That is, we have seen that in religious
       
   561 ritual, situated people deploy signs and structures within the
       
   562 context of larger, only partly flexible structures, and that RPG
       
   563 play stands within a similar context; we need now to understand how
       
   564 RPG players manipulate signs and structures for strategic reasons,
       
   565 and how such strategies are both free and subject to
       
   566 constraint.</p>
       
   567 
       
   568 <p>For this purpose, I would like to propose a specific analogy,
       
   569 that of RPG play to a particular mode of ritual behavior. At the
       
   570 outset, however, I should note that this is <i>analogy</i> and not
       
   571 identity; that is, while RPG is (and is not merely <i>like</i>)
       
   572 ritual, it is nevertheless a distinct and specific <i>kind</i> of
       
   573 ritual, one with no exact equivalent in other ritual spheres. Thus
       
   574 this analysis must be effected within a deliberately constrained
       
   575 comparative model, in order to evade the methodological problems
       
   576 attendant upon the loose metaphoricities described in the
       
   577 introduction.</p>
       
   578 
       
   579 <p>Every modern scholar of ritual is familiar with the liminal
       
   580 model of <i>rites de passage</i> (passage-rites), originally
       
   581 proposed by Arnold van Gennep in the eponymous book, and elevated
       
   582 to a critical analytical model in especially the earlier work of
       
   583 Victor Turner.<a href="#note19">[19]</a> In its classic
       
   584 formulation by van Gennep, such passage-rites as initiations
       
   585 consist of three stages. First, the neophyte is <i>separated</i> from the symbolic and social structures which normally surround him; second, the neophyte passes through a <i>liminal</i> phase, in which a series of new and powerful symbols known as <i>sacra</i> are presented to the neophyte for consideration and reflection; and finally, the neophyte is <i>aggregated</i> back into the social structure, now in a new status.</p>
       
   586 
       
   587 <p>For example, in boys' puberty initiations, the boy is removed
       
   588 from boyhood and society in general, perhaps secluded in a special
       
   589 initiation hut or otherwise physically removed; in addition, he is
       
   590 visibly marked as unclassified, e.g. having his head shaved, being
       
   591 painted black or white, stripped of clothing, and so forth. Once
       
   592 separation from boyhood has been effected, the neophyte is in a
       
   593 condition of liminality, "betwixt and between," neither this nor
       
   594 that; neither boy nor man, he is unclassifiable, a condition
       
   595 generally expressed through symbols marking status as not participating in even a larger range of classes: he may be dressed
       
   596 as an androgyne, marking him as neither male nor female (and both);
       
   597 he may be forced to lie on the ground in a posture normal for
       
   598 corpses, marking him as neither dead nor alive (and both); and so
       
   599 forth.</p>
       
   600 
       
   601 <p>In this liminal phase, various sacred symbols (<i>sacra</i>) are
       
   602 presented to the boy and his co-initiates (such initiations usually
       
   603 involve several boys at once), in the form of monstrous and bizarre
       
   604 masks, objects, or behaviors, presented to the neophytes by
       
   605 already-initiated men. All these signs serve as objects of thought,
       
   606 and are commonly distorted to emphasize reflection on particular
       
   607 issues; for example, a figurine or dancing costume might be
       
   608 shrunken and blurred in all its parts, but bear a wildly
       
   609 exaggerated phallus, encouraging reflection on sexuality and male
       
   610 sexual identity.</p>
       
   611 
       
   612 <p>In an example discussed by Turner,<a href="#note20">[20]</a>
       
   613 Bemba girls are presented with an earthenware figurine of an
       
   614 exaggeratedly pregnant woman who carries four infants, two at her
       
   615 equally exaggerated breasts and two on her back; other features of
       
   616 this figure (arms and legs, for example) are shrunken to stubs. The
       
   617 figurine in this case is accompanied by a riddling song about a
       
   618 mythical midwife, and initiated women say the riddle's point is
       
   619 straightforward: Bemba tradition demands that after giving birth
       
   620 women abstain from sexual intercourse for a year. But a woman's
       
   621 husband may object to this, and one's mother or mother-in-law may
       
   622 also demand that the young woman get pregnant again, as the older
       
   623 woman wants grandchildren and the husband wants sexual satisfaction. The point of the <i>sacrum</i>, then, is that a wife who does not respect the tradition of abstention will become like the figurine, dominated to destruction by babies and their care. However much a woman may wish to give in to her husband or mother -- or her own desires -- she must abstain. Thus the use of exaggerated symbols in the liminal phase focuses attention on traditional culture, its reasons and purposes, and ultimately promotes conformity.</p>
       
   624 
       
   625 <p>Once this instructional phase has concluded, aggregation usually
       
   626 begins with more or less permanent markers of the new status,
       
   627 followed by social presentation of the neophyte to the relevant
       
   628 communities (initiates, then society at large). For example, a boy
       
   629 may be circumcised, marking him permanently as an initiate (thus
       
   630 fully male), then dressed in men's clothing (not unlike the old
       
   631 British practice of a boy's changing permanently from short to long
       
   632 pants); the initiates are then presented to the men, who welcome
       
   633 them into the men's longhouse or equivalent male structure from
       
   634 which they were previously forbidden, and they depart this house to
       
   635 be greeted by the women of the community as men rather than
       
   636 boys.</p>
       
   637 
       
   638 <p>The emphasis in the current analysis is, as for Turner, the
       
   639 liminal. There is no difficulty spotting separation and aggregation
       
   640 in RPG's. Depending on a particular group's habitual practices and
       
   641 preferences, separation may begin at the front door of the host's
       
   642 house or apartment; this is particularly apparent in more
       
   643 LARP-oriented play, where entry into the broadly-defined play space
       
   644 is marked by a transformation of manner and affect, even of
       
   645 clothing. But the most limited table-top play generally marks a
       
   646 separation between game-play and out-of-game behavior. This is
       
   647 perhaps most obvious negatively, in objections to players who do
       
   648 not focus on the game and continually introduce "irrelevant" topics
       
   649 (television shows, video games, current events, etc.) into
       
   650 play.</p>
       
   651 
       
   652 <p>I have marked the term "irrelevant" with quotes for a reason:
       
   653 these topics are only irrelevant if and to the degree that a given
       
   654 group marks them so, a point generally negotiated through piecemeal
       
   655 social contract means. The LARP example, as an extreme of the
       
   656 Virtual Experience model, may tend to object to any introduction of
       
   657 topics or behaviors not previously formulated as "in-game." A
       
   658 smaller-scale variant of this general dynamic is the issue of
       
   659 "in-character" as distinct from "out-of-character": in some groups,
       
   660 speech should be performed in-character, in that anything said by a
       
   661 given player should be taken as the speech of that player's current
       
   662 character; sometimes this takes the form of linguistic constraint,
       
   663 notably the demand that players speak of their characters in the
       
   664 first person rather than the third.</p>
       
   665 
       
   666 <p>At a more strategic level, groups may make a sharp distinction
       
   667 between in-character and out-of-character knowledge, raising as a
       
   668 problem whether a player may act in-character upon knowledge
       
   669 presumably not available to his character. That is, if Alan
       
   670 (playing Thror the Barbarian) knows that Marler the Wizard (played
       
   671 by Barbara) has been captured by an evil sorcerer and is held in a
       
   672 deep dungeon below the castle in which Thror now stands, and Alan
       
   673 knows this because as a player he was present when Marler/Barbara
       
   674 was captured, but Thror was not on the scene and thus has no
       
   675 particular way to know what has occurred, a group must consider
       
   676 whether Alan may have Thror head for the deep dungeon to rescue
       
   677 Marler.</p>
       
   678 
       
   679 <p>The question is complex, and may be handled strategically at any
       
   680 number of levels. For example, some groups feel that, so long as
       
   681 Thror's rescue of Marler would make an exciting story, the fact
       
   682 that Thror "knows" nothing about the capture is irrelevant. Even
       
   683 within this perspective, however, we might note a distinction
       
   684 between Alan having Thror "happen accidentally" to head downwards,
       
   685 postulating an in-game coincidence to cover the out-of-game
       
   686 implausibility, as against Alan having Thror declaim in ringing
       
   687 tones that somehow he knows what has occurred, postulating a
       
   688 backwards revision of plot and thus annulling disjuncture. Another
       
   689 strategic choice, of course, would have Alan simply ignore what has
       
   690 happened to Marler, since Thror is "actually" ignorant of it; Alan
       
   691 and Barbara may hope that events will transpire such that Thror can
       
   692 rescue Marler, but the interior logic of the game-world in this
       
   693 case does not permit Alan's use of out-of-character knowledge to
       
   694 alter events in this fashion.</p>
       
   695 
       
   696 <p>At a theoretical level, the same issues obtain, particularly in
       
   697 the aesthetics of game design. Some groups prefer to keep rules and
       
   698 systems as far in the background as possible, because they see such
       
   699 structures as irrelevant to the game-world; that is, since Thror
       
   700 himself cannot be imagined thinking that he has a +7 to hit but a
       
   701 -2 to damage if he swings his fist, while he has a +3 to hit and a
       
   702 +6 to damage if he swings his sword, the strategic choices made by
       
   703 Alan in selecting the appropriate attack for the situation can be
       
   704 read as interfering with the interior game-logic. Other groups see
       
   705 such activity on Alan's part as an essential aspect of gaming as an
       
   706 activity. For example, one can treat a <i>Dungeons and Dragons</i>
       
   707 "dungeon-crawl" as a competition by the players, as strategic
       
   708 manipulators of an intricate mechanical system, against the Dungeon
       
   709 Master who has similarly manipulated the system to construct a
       
   710 difficult challenge; in this case, Barbara's choice to cast Magic
       
   711 Missile rather than Fireball because she makes a trade-off between
       
   712 damage inflicted upon a chosen target and the collateral damage
       
   713 which comes from the fireball spell, not to mention the specifics
       
   714 of range, casting-time, and material components, is anything but
       
   715 irrelevant: indeed, at one extreme, this may constitute much of the
       
   716 fun of play.</p>
       
   717 
       
   718 <p>In any event, the problem of negotiating the bridge between
       
   719 in-character and out-of-character is founded upon the structural
       
   720 separation effected at the outset of ritual. The social aggregation
       
   721 at the close of play thus amounts to an undoing of this separation:
       
   722 players step back from the in-character world (to whatever extent
       
   723 they postulated themselves as in it) in order to receive rewards or
       
   724 accolades, rehash enjoyable events, and generally begin shifting
       
   725 from a relatively discontinuous and separated game-time to an
       
   726 ordinary social event, itself marked eventually by the dispersal of
       
   727 the participants to their everyday lives.</p>
       
   728 <p>We have already seen that within the liminal phase, the "game
       
   729 itself," classification, and identity are sites of considerable
       
   730 contestation and difficulty. But it is when we take into account
       
   731 the question of <i>sacra</i> and response that the parallel to
       
   732 initiation becomes particularly valuable. In particular, when we
       
   733 consider the interrelation of freedom and conformity, i.e. the
       
   734 <i>political</i> nature of liminality, we can begin to dig under
       
   735 the surface of gaming to discern the social relations and contracts
       
   736 which make play possible.</p>
       
   737 
       
   738 <h2>Liminality in RPG's: The Social Rituals of Play</h2>
       
   739 
       
   740 <p>One of Turner's great achievements in the study of ritual was
       
   741 his explication of the socio-political implications of ritual
       
   742 activity; while he was hardly alone in formulating this general
       
   743 perspective, Turner has the advantage for present purposes of
       
   744 having a relatively clear model that does not depend on extensive
       
   745 prior reading in the literature of anthropology or sociology.</p>
       
   746 
       
   747 <p>As liminality theory shaded into the origins of "practice"
       
   748 theory, it gave rise to a stock type of analysis. The symbols of a
       
   749 given ritual, particularly its liminal phase, would be explicated
       
   750 for purposes of situation, giving sufficient data for the reader to
       
   751 make sense of the further argument. The analyst would then attempt
       
   752 to demonstrate the following dynamic at work: within the liminal
       
   753 phase, neophytes -- and by extension, the society as a whole --
       
   754 employ symbols and structures to challenge, test, and even
       
   755 undermine the structures and norms of authority; through the ritual
       
   756 process, however, particularly as the liminal phase moves towards
       
   757 conclusion in aggregation, all this "testing" ends up serving the
       
   758 purposes of established authority. Thus the ritual gives the
       
   759 <i>illusion</i> of freedom and choice, but actually enforces
       
   760 conformity; ritual is thus read as a technique of mystification by
       
   761 which cultural authority can be produced and reproduced by
       
   762 deceiving participants in all walks of society into accepting these
       
   763 authority structures as natural, given, and ideal.</p>
       
   764 
       
   765 <p>There is certainly truth in this reading. For example, numerous
       
   766 carnivalesque rituals (Mardi Gras in New Orleans, Carn&agrave;val,
       
   767 Saturnalia, etc.) do indeed construct a special space and time in
       
   768 which to express discontent, disorder, radicalism, and challenge,
       
   769 all of which is then often deployed in a larger cultural context to
       
   770 emphasize the "rightness" of hegemonic discourses of authority. But
       
   771 more recently scholars have begun to grant that this reading is
       
   772 simplistic: Mardi Gras has on numerous occasions been used
       
   773 precisely to foment revolt, for example. Thus recent practice
       
   774 theory, when it has focused on ritual and liminality, has tended to
       
   775 admit that ritual does produce conformity through the illusion of
       
   776 free choice, but at the same time to grant that particular agents
       
   777 in particular historical situations have the ability to manipulate
       
   778 symbols to their own advantage, despite the apparent constraints
       
   779 (and apparent freedoms) of ritual structures.</p>
       
   780 
       
   781 <p>At present, I will not push the socio-political reading of RPG's
       
   782 beyond the narrow, local community. It would be interesting to
       
   783 consider how RPG's as ritual necessarily participate in and
       
   784 reconstitute the structures of society at large, but the data-set
       
   785 required to do such analysis meaningfully is prohibitively large.
       
   786 In addition, ethnography of game-sessions has barely begun, if
       
   787 indeed it can be said to have begun at all, and thus we have only
       
   788 the most dubious sort of anecdotal data. My concern, then, is with
       
   789 the socio-political workings <i>within</i> a gaming group, which
       
   790 amounts to an analytic perspective on the social contract of such a
       
   791 group as it intersects with other structures of gaming.</p>
       
   792 
       
   793 <p>It is worth noting here that the dominant Forge theory generally
       
   794 takes social contract to be a maximally distanced structure,
       
   795 standing at the upper extreme of the hierarchy of RPG structure.
       
   796 While there has been discussion of social contract and means by
       
   797 which it can be negotiated in order to avoid paradigmatic or
       
   798 personal conflict, the emphasis fits squarely within Edwards's
       
   799 overall approach. That is, because social contract is seen as at a
       
   800 considerable remove from in-game play issues, the most efficient
       
   801 way to deal with contractual problems is to discuss them outside of
       
   802 play, e.g. by confronting a problem player outside of game time, by
       
   803 formulating explicit social expectations before play, and so forth.
       
   804 But the fact remains that these problems generally arise
       
   805 <i>within</i> game play, and prior constraint cannot fully predict
       
   806 or forestall such difficulties. I suggest, in fact, that precisely
       
   807 because RPG's are ritual behaviors, social conflict is <i>inherent</i> in the form. At the same time, from a practical perspective, it is worth recognizing that because structural and sign-manipulation achieve their maximal expressions within liminality, with extra-ritual commentary discourse primarily functioning to <i>protect</i> ritual tradition against challenge, acting <i>disjunctively</i> to separate possible challenges from the fragile yet powerful matrix of ritual performance, play itself will necessary be the central locus of social contestation, and importantly it is only within its structures that <i>conjunctive</i> solutions are possible. In other words, while extra-gameplay discourse may try to protect a game against social contract problems arising within gameplay, such strategies cannot of themselves achieve consensus; the means by which a group can resolve such questions must be sought within play.</p>
       
   808 
       
   809 <p>Extending from this point, we may note a common tensive
       
   810 relationship between extra-ritual assertions of hegemony over
       
   811 performance on the one hand, and on the other a concomitant
       
   812 counter-balancing of the manipulation of ritual as a site for
       
   813 resistance. Simply put, it is often the case that as authoritative
       
   814 discourse tries to increase control over what happens within ritual
       
   815 performance externally, resistant elements become increasing
       
   816 empowered within performance and have greater efficacy without. In
       
   817 an RPG context specifically, it seems not unlikely that
       
   818 increasingly emphatic assertions of hegemonic control of
       
   819 appropriate play and in-game discourse will tend to evoke
       
   820 increasing resistance within play, which is to say that players
       
   821 within the game will tend to challenge strong norms asserted by the
       
   822 game-master (or the game text, the received tradition of
       
   823 appropriate play, etc.) the more forcefully they are expressed. One
       
   824 classic example returns us to <i>Advanced Dungeons and Dragons</i>:
       
   825 the more Gary Gygax asserted his authority and authenticity in
       
   826 laying down constraints about "the right way to play," the more
       
   827 particular groups and players were drawn either to revise the game,
       
   828 to play other games, or to challenge Gygax's principles from within
       
   829 play. With respect to more ordinary assertions of authority, e.g.
       
   830 "railroading,"<a href="#note21">[21]</a> the more overt the
       
   831 railroading the greater the tendency to resist; that is, if GM
       
   832 railroading involves providing genuine incentives to follow the
       
   833 predetermined plot structure, resistance may be minimal, while if a
       
   834 GM simply blocks all choices but the "correct" one through <i>ad
       
   835 hoc</i> and increasingly ridiculous means (<i>deus ex machina</i> maneuvers, etc.), players may find themselves led to beat their heads against the imposed limitations rather than find creative and enjoyable means by which to "play along."<a href="#note22">[22]</a></p>
       
   836 
       
   837 <p>My point is not simply that strong formulations of norms in play
       
   838 style and social interaction may produce the reverse of the desired
       
   839 effect, though this is worth consideration. Rather, I wish to
       
   840 emphasize that semiotic manipulation within play reacts to
       
   841 functions in the given structural context, such that assertions of
       
   842 social or technical norms naturally constitute important objects of
       
   843 gameplay contestation. As in initiation ritual, the imposition of
       
   844 social structures through such means as <i>sacra</i> or rules
       
   845 systems <i>demands</i> challenge and consideration within ritual;
       
   846 attempts to eliminate such semiotic manipulation within ritual
       
   847 liminality, including gameplay, can only provoke two kinds of
       
   848 response: resistance to the norms or elimination of ritual
       
   849 effectiveness. Thus the nature of gameplay as ritual activity
       
   850 necessarily determines its focus on manipulation and challenge of
       
   851 given structures.</p>
       
   852 
       
   853 <p>If RPG play can be read as reactive, it is neither mechanical
       
   854 nor passive, and a great strength of both structural and practice
       
   855 theories is the emphasis on dynamism in the relationship. If on the
       
   856 one hand ritual imposes upon its participants a series of
       
   857 interlinked structures and motivated signs, to which participants
       
   858 are then forced to react by the normative view of ritual activity
       
   859 and thought, at the same time those participants actually have
       
   860 considerable flexibility in doing so. This is where some of the
       
   861 earlier Marxist approaches overestimated the hegemony of
       
   862 authority-structures: they assumed that the imposition not only of
       
   863 signs but of structures through which to think them fully
       
   864 constrained initiates (for example) to conform to a rigid status
       
   865 quo; ritual could thus be read as a means of combating in advance
       
   866 nonconformity, resistance, and the potential for revolution,
       
   867 because it mystified the arbitrary, cultural nature of authority
       
   868 structures by transposing them into tradition, and then
       
   869 constructing a notion of tradition as natural and "given" in nature
       
   870 or meta-nature (the gods, the spirits, etc.). But as numerous
       
   871 critics of such ritual theories noted, this implies a special
       
   872 division in society: there are those who create
       
   873 authority-structures, who to some degree know that these structures
       
   874 are merely inventions, and then there are those who are simply
       
   875 slates inscribed upon by such authority structures through ritual;
       
   876 the only flexible part of this formulation would be the first part,
       
   877 in that it is possible that authorities too are entirely subject to
       
   878 what they take to be given structures and traditions, such that
       
   879 everyone is enslaved by ignorance of the functions and methods of
       
   880 their own society. Good Marxism this may be, but it does presume
       
   881 that people are entirely controlled and dominated by what they are
       
   882 told, and never think flexibly.<a href="#note23">[23]</a> In fact,
       
   883 the approach deconstructs itself: if this is all true, how can the
       
   884 academic analyst spot the problem at all? Presumably, academia
       
   885 would constitute a constrained discourse that recognizes itself as
       
   886 an object of critical analysis, in which case how did it become so?
       
   887 The logical conclusion essentially would assert that the members of
       
   888 critical academic discursive circles are a different sort of people
       
   889 than those constrained by discourse, such that radical elitism
       
   890 becomes a naturalized and normative structure -- precisely that
       
   891 which the analysis desired to challenge in the first place.</p>
       
   892 <p>In RPG's, flexibility is relatively obvious: few if any players
       
   893 or observers would assert that gameplay is so constrained as to
       
   894 prevent flexibility in semiotic manipulation of any kind. At the
       
   895 same time, this creativity is still generally taken as a marker of
       
   896 the distinctive or even unique character of RPG's. Quite apart from
       
   897 the fact that this entails RPG theorists' participation in the
       
   898 reproduction of authoritarian notions of ritual behavior, a complex
       
   899 logical circle inserts itself in this understanding, common it
       
   900 seems from the inception of RPG's as a discrete ritual form. With
       
   901 the explication of this circularity, it will become clear why I
       
   902 emphasize an analogical parallel to liminality in religious
       
   903 ritual.</p>
       
   904 
       
   905 <h2>Creativity as Circularity</h2>
       
   906 
       
   907 <p>Overt acceptance of creativity and flexibility within RPG play
       
   908 is indeed unusual in ritual. Importantly, however, it is not the
       
   909 <i>existence</i> of such dynamism that marks a distinctive ritual
       
   910 mode, but the fact that participants of all levels <i>recognize and
       
   911 accept</i> this. By contrast, the modern Catholic Eucharist permits
       
   912 considerable scope for flexibility and creativity in each and every
       
   913 performance, by every participant at every level, but this is not
       
   914 commonly accepted as either present or desirable; we might note
       
   915 that the common disdain for Neopagan ritual invention among
       
   916 relatively knowledgeable mainstream religious Americans includes
       
   917 (but is not limited to) a distinction between "real" or
       
   918 "traditional" ritual as opposed to those which Neopagans "make
       
   919 up."<a href="#note24">[24]</a> In this context, we can read the
       
   920 ideological split as a claim against creativity within the special
       
   921 context of ritual, importantly different from how RPG discourse
       
   922 consciously constructs itself as creative and dynamic.<a href="#note25">[25]</a></p>
       
   923 
       
   924 <p>To put this in terms of initiation, we find that the liminal
       
   925 phase involves flexibility and invention on the parts of not only
       
   926 the neophytes but also the entire society; at the same time, such
       
   927 flexibility is commonly denied by the hegemonic discourse, as
       
   928 already indicated by the tendency to conceive of neophyte
       
   929 interaction with <i>sacra</i> as "instruction" rather than creative
       
   930 engagement. Similarly, we find numerous discourses about
       
   931 carnivalesque ritual formulated in terms of what has been called a
       
   932 "hydraulic" theory: carnivals act as valves, allowing participants
       
   933 to "blow off steam" rather than harness it to antisocial ends. By
       
   934 permitting marginal elements of society to "act out" their
       
   935 frustrations, authorities retain control of real power and maintain
       
   936 the stability of those they dominate. Real challenge or engagement
       
   937 with social rules is annulled, because it "doesn't count" in ritual
       
   938 space.</p>
       
   939 
       
   940 <p>Thus the demarcation of ritual space and time -- that formal
       
   941 construction of division between ritual and everything else central
       
   942 to what Catherine Bell calls "ritualization" -- lends itself to
       
   943 protection of social norms. In RPG's, with their discourse of
       
   944 invention and creativity, such protection seems non-present or at
       
   945 least marginal. But this accords with expectations: by asserting
       
   946 that RPG gameplay constitutes a protected space in which to deal
       
   947 with the limited range of issues at stake in a given game, RPG's
       
   948 naturally tend to assert not only that gameplay permits flexible
       
   949 engagement with social norms but also that the effects of exterior
       
   950 norms on players do not play a significant role in the game. For
       
   951 example, the protection of RPG's allows a male player to play a
       
   952 female character, a heterosexual player to play a homosexual
       
   953 character, without its being read as relevant to the player's
       
   954 out-of-game identity; we do not, that is, assume that a male player
       
   955 who chooses a female character is actually conflicted about his
       
   956 sexual identity. At the same time, this entails that the female
       
   957 character in question, if she appears as a chauvinist stereotype,
       
   958 cannot "officially" be read to imply chauvinism on the part of the
       
   959 player.</p>
       
   960 
       
   961 <p>While for majority players -- white, male, middle-class -- this
       
   962 freedom may not appear problematic, it entails real difficulties
       
   963 when (especially) female players enter the game situation, most
       
   964 especially if such players have a romantic and/or sexual
       
   965 affiliation with another player. Indeed, female players often find
       
   966 themselves read as "not serious," "just the GM's girlfriend," and
       
   967 so forth. When such players experience events in game-time, whether
       
   968 plot events effected by other players or overtly structural
       
   969 elements constructed within the game rules, their responses may be
       
   970 read as problematic for in-game discourse. To take an extreme
       
   971 example, if a female player reacts (in-character or out, in-game or
       
   972 out) negatively to a rape scene perpetrated upon her (or any)
       
   973 character, some groups will interpret this as a failure by the
       
   974 player to recognize the lines separating gameplay from ordinary
       
   975 discourse; more insidiously, perhaps, the player may feel that she
       
   976 <i>should</i> not overtly respond negatively, precisely because she
       
   977 accepts that other players grant this absolute division of
       
   978 discursive spaces, de-legitimizing her own emotional response as
       
   979 confirmation that she is not a "serious" player.</p>
       
   980 
       
   981 <p>The common RPG theoretical response to such a situation, at
       
   982 least in recent times, is to grant the legitimacy of the player's
       
   983 response. But this is formulated as a special case: certain types
       
   984 of in-game discourse "cross the lines" or "go overboard." By
       
   985 implication, normative in-game activity does <i>not</i> require
       
   986 such responses, and thus this theoretically symptomatic treatment
       
   987 of the situation continues to emphasize that gameplay constitutes a
       
   988 protected space by constructing new social-contract rules to
       
   989 prevent specific problems. That is, theoretical criticism of the
       
   990 rape situation proposed above amounts to this: RPG groups and games
       
   991 ought to have rules that say that players' characters cannot be
       
   992 raped. But this misses the point. On the one hand, it constrains
       
   993 RPG discourse to a limited range of social issues, making
       
   994 commentary and criticism of rape (for example) simply a prohibited
       
   995 discourse, undermining the very dynamic freedom which is supposed
       
   996 to permit a player to deal with situations that he or she would or
       
   997 could not encounter in real life; on the other, it retains and
       
   998 protects the hegemony of RPG discourse as something within which
       
   999 players may not respond personally or emotionally by making those
       
  1000 situations in which such responses are legitimate into abnormal
       
  1001 cases.</p>
       
  1002 
       
  1003 <p>Continuing the comparison to initiatory ritual in particular, we
       
  1004 have here an extra-ritual response to contingent historical
       
  1005 circumstance through limitation. In the case of the Bemba girls'
       
  1006 initiation mentioned above, let us suppose that a girl responds to
       
  1007 the figurine by saying, "If I become like the figurine, the white
       
  1008 organizations that provide support and health services will give
       
  1009 extra assistance even outside of infant care; therefore for my
       
  1010 family in the current situation the appropriate answer to the
       
  1011 riddle is that I should throw over tradition and use pregnancy to
       
  1012 create a cargo-cult reciprocity with whites."<a href="#note26">[26]</a> Here we see a creative, dynamic response to the symbolic structures proposed, but with an ultimate response at odds with the hegemonic intent. An obvious counter-response would add additional symbols and instructions to prevent this response by future neophytes, and perhaps provide extra-ritual instruction of this particular neophyte so as to annul the validity of her solution.</p>
       
  1013 
       
  1014 <p>In RPG ritual discourse, the same structure of constraint
       
  1015 through piecemeal placation consistently obtains. To the extent
       
  1016 that RPG players understand themselves as creative and dynamic, not
       
  1017 controlled by encultured norms, they are enabled to reproduce
       
  1018 challenged norms within gameplay as protected space. That is, the
       
  1019 liberation and protection afforded players with respect to uneasy
       
  1020 social issues tends only to enable players who (often
       
  1021 unconsciously) represent majority discourses to reenact the
       
  1022 violence of those social categories in a hegemonically protected
       
  1023 fashion, defended by the structure of the RPG as separated and
       
  1024 distinct. If the white, male player's black, female character
       
  1025 enacts stereotypes, the notional freedom explored merely reproduces
       
  1026 dubious social norms, an effect seen overtly in fantasy and science
       
  1027 fiction book cover images (e.g. the work of Boris Vallejo), with
       
  1028 their manly men with weapons and voluptuous women in revealing
       
  1029 clothing.</p>
       
  1030 
       
  1031 <p>To shift the modalities of play from reproductive to
       
  1032 transformational may be desirable, but it is unclear how this might
       
  1033 be effected. While RPG ritual liminality permits exploration, its
       
  1034 structured and constrained nature acts to defend stereotype
       
  1035 reproduction as "freedom" while blocking challenges thereto as
       
  1036 failures of player technique or understanding. Logically, practical
       
  1037 game-construction cannot merely strive to forestall deployment of
       
  1038 stereotypes, but must work actively to undermine their function
       
  1039 within gameplay; it is here that critical formation of
       
  1040 counter-hegemonic moves (e.g. feminist game design) must focus
       
  1041 effort, at the same time recognizing that simply formulating a game
       
  1042 that pre-determines the boundaries of appropriate and inappropriate
       
  1043 structure challenges cannot achieve anything.</p>
       
  1044 
       
  1045 <h2>Disjuncture and Continuity</h2>
       
  1046 
       
  1047 <p>As we have seen, the liminal phase of passage ritual, or more
       
  1048 broadly the "sacred space" effected by social disjunctures
       
  1049 outlining any ritual practice, affords a privileged site for
       
  1050 examination and contestation of extra-ritual concerns; this sacred
       
  1051 space in RPG's is found in gameplay, often understood as a "safe"
       
  1052 place for exploration, and distinguished from other active spaces
       
  1053 by a number of explicit and more subtle formations. So far, I have
       
  1054 focused on how such privilege and safety becomes a double-edged
       
  1055 sword, permitting some forms of experimentation while denying
       
  1056 others legitimacy, and also undercutting the radicalism of
       
  1057 experiment to render it harmless. But as with any ritual, the
       
  1058 protective structures that reproduce hegemonic discourse formations
       
  1059 are themselves genuinely threatened by in-ritual challenges. It is
       
  1060 worth considering how such challenge may be formulated through
       
  1061 semiotic manipulation in gameplay.</p>
       
  1062 
       
  1063 <p>In <i>The Savage Mind</i>, Claude L&eacute;vi-Strauss suggested that ritual tends to be conjunctive, as opposed to the disjunctive,
       
  1064 classifying emphasis of myth. His meaning is best expressed,
       
  1065 perhaps, in a discussion of the difference between game and
       
  1066 rite:</p>
       
  1067 
       
  1068 <div class="sidebarblock">All games are defined by a set of rules
       
  1069 which in practice allow the playing of any number of matches.
       
  1070 Ritual, which is also 'played', is on the other hand, like a
       
  1071 favoured instance of a game, remembered from among the possible
       
  1072 ones because it is the only one which results in a particular type
       
  1073 of equilibrium between the two sides. The transposition is readily
       
  1074 seen in the case of the Gahuku-Gama of New Guinea who have learnt
       
  1075 football but who will play, several days running, as many matches
       
  1076 as are necessary for both sides to reach the same score. This is
       
  1077 treating a game as a ritual.... Games thus appear to have a
       
  1078 <i>disjunctive</i> effect: they end in the establishment of a
       
  1079 difference between individual players or teams where originally
       
  1080 there was no indication of inequality. And at the end of the game
       
  1081 they are distinguished into winners and losers. Ritual, on the
       
  1082 other hand, is the exact inverse: it <i>conjoins</i>, for it brings
       
  1083 about a union ... or in any case an organic relation between two
       
  1084 initially separate groups....<a href="#note27">[27]</a></div>
       
  1085 
       
  1086 <p>The point is that a game like soccer or Monopoly takes a group
       
  1087 of people not initially distinct in game terms and divides them
       
  1088 into at least two classes (winners and losers). By contrast, the
       
  1089 ritual performance of soccer described here does not conclude until
       
  1090 all players have been made equivalent; latent in L&eacute;vi-Strauss's formulation is that the natives <i>project</i> their preexisting social divisions upon the game by picking teams upon non-arbitrary given grounds. For example, they might decide that each team will be made up exclusively of initiated men of a given moiety, so that the teams represent moieties; through the ritual process, they then construct a situation in which this difference is asserted as non-absolute. This is arguably the point of the modern Olympic
       
  1091 Games: national participation through representative athletes is
       
  1092 supposed to assert that all men are brothers, that superiority is
       
  1093 individual and not national, and so forth.</p>
       
  1094 
       
  1095 <p>Setting aside the numerous quite serious problems with L
       
  1096 vi-Strauss's theory with respect to ritual as a broad range of
       
  1097 behaviors -- indeed, I doubt he intended that it be taken as a
       
  1098 general principle in the first place -- we can see this dynamic at
       
  1099 work in a major RPG discourse, particularly that which emphasizes
       
  1100 the collaborative nature of play. As we have already seen, in Kim's
       
  1101 Collaborative Storytelling model "play is understood as multiple
       
  1102 authors producing a single discourse and a single story." The same
       
  1103 model discourages secrets among participants, and judges success
       
  1104 partly by whether "all of the participants significantly
       
  1105 contributed to that discourse." Following up L&eacute;vi-Strauss's notion, we can see here a striving toward conjunction and unity, as against disjuncture in the form of "winning" or limited player dominance of the discourse. In other words, one of the distinctive
       
  1106 characteristics of RPG's as opposed to more traditional games is
       
  1107 precisely that they fit a ritual rather than a game model.</p>
       
  1108 
       
  1109 <p>At the same time, a more serious deployment of structural and
       
  1110 practice perspectives on the semiotic elements of both religious
       
  1111 and RPG ritual must recognize the oversimplification inherent in
       
  1112 this conjunction/division split. First, that there are no winners
       
  1113 or losers cannot be accepted uncritically. Precisely because a
       
  1114 dominant RPG discourse denies such divisions, we must consider the
       
  1115 possibility that play <i>imposes</i> upon players a notional unity
       
  1116 by denying the option to seek or even accept division. After all,
       
  1117 if we extend this rhetoric of unity, it can be taken as a claim
       
  1118 that in-game, all players are equal and in fact equivalent, which
       
  1119 may be deployed strategically by situationally- or
       
  1120 socially-dominant players to assert that complaints are anti-group
       
  1121 and thus mark bad players. In this context, the discourse of
       
  1122 collaboration and unity can support the problematic use of
       
  1123 hegemonic authoritarian or oppressive discourse, as discussed
       
  1124 previously in the context of chauvinism.</p>
       
  1125 
       
  1126 <p>But not all such challenge necessarily supports authority or
       
  1127 serves as an instrument of oppression. To take a simple example,
       
  1128 the rhetoric of unity and conjunction may be deployed to block
       
  1129 favoritism or to identify problem players as those who either try
       
  1130 to dominate play or refuse to participate at all. Especially in the
       
  1131 latter case, the unifying effect of ritual process may enable a
       
  1132 group to draw out a timid player, emphasizing further the liminal
       
  1133 "safety" of game space.</p>
       
  1134 
       
  1135 <p>More interestingly, however, the conjunctive nature of ritual
       
  1136 process may act together with the aggregation of ritual closure to
       
  1137 effect genuine social alteration. A play group is often formed on
       
  1138 an <i>ad hoc</i> basis, where some players do not know each other
       
  1139 well outside of the game context, and indeed may not have met.
       
  1140 Through successful ritual collaboration in a shared space
       
  1141 understood as distinct from other social spaces, a new social group
       
  1142 forms, enabling friendship and other forms of collaboration that
       
  1143 refer to the constructed game-space rather than to other social
       
  1144 structures. That is, precisely because gameplay is at once divided
       
  1145 from other social spaces and nominally focused upon a limited set
       
  1146 of predetermined issues, and because such rituals do act
       
  1147 conjunctively by taking given divisions and annulling "winner and
       
  1148 loser" categorizations, gameplay tends naturally to formulate an
       
  1149 alternative social framework. Particularly for those who find
       
  1150 mainstream, dominant social frameworks problematic or dangerous,
       
  1151 gameplay can constitute a controlled social space in which to
       
  1152 succeed and seek liberation.</p>
       
  1153 
       
  1154 <p>However psychologically supportive and validating such an
       
  1155 alternative framework may be -- and it is worth noting that some
       
  1156 psychologists have pointed to RPG's as valuable for
       
  1157 self-exploration and validation among (especially) teenagers --
       
  1158 from a broader social perspective we should recognize that this
       
  1159 essentially entails a continuation of the initiation discourse.
       
  1160 Turner notes that it is common that the neophytes, whatever their
       
  1161 extra-ritual socio-economic status, are as part of the liminal
       
  1162 leveling considered equivalent. While friendships among those
       
  1163 simultaneously initiated often extend beyond the ritual situation,
       
  1164 social status, factored out within liminality, is not particularly
       
  1165 affected by such friendships. That is, it could be argued that the
       
  1166 shared space of ritual, although it permits and even demands
       
  1167 reflection upon social inequalities, ultimately acts not only to
       
  1168 affirm these inequalities as natural and given, but also deludes
       
  1169 those in inferior positions into thinking that they achieve a
       
  1170 measure of equality that is in fact nonexistent. From this
       
  1171 perspective, we can see that RPG's may act simultaneously to affirm
       
  1172 and assist players psychologically, and at the same time discourage
       
  1173 them from acting upon or challenging the inequities of modern
       
  1174 social dynamics. Anecdotally, at least, we seem to see this in
       
  1175 stereotypes of RPG players as "geeks" or "nerds" who, by
       
  1176 participating in gaming, in conventions, and generally in a
       
  1177 subculture, are thereby diverted or distracted from real social
       
  1178 action or mobilization. To formulate a rather overstated Marxist
       
  1179 reading, the recognition of RPG's as ritual is confirmed by its
       
  1180 ability to serve as an opiate for the oppressed.</p>
       
  1181 
       
  1182 <h2>Conclusions: Toward an RPG of Practical Reason</h2>
       
  1183 
       
  1184 <p>At present, RPG theory primarily acts as an exterior, supporting
       
  1185 discourse referred toward the "real thing" -- gameplay. Ironically,
       
  1186 criticism of some RPG theory as irrelevant or trivial, on the
       
  1187 ground that it is not practical for play goals, actually serves to
       
  1188 grant power and hegemony to theoretical discourse: the very fact
       
  1189 that gameplay so strongly formulates the barriers between in-game
       
  1190 and out-of-game, play and system, in-character and
       
  1191 out-of-character, reproduces the mystification of theory's active
       
  1192 role in discourse construction. As a way of concluding this
       
  1193 somewhat dispersed series of analyses, then, I should like to
       
  1194 propose some new directions in theory, directions which I think
       
  1195 contain the possibility for real practical change.</p>
       
  1196 
       
  1197 <p>First, theory must recognize a distinction between analysis and
       
  1198 synthesis. While it is important that such a distinction not become
       
  1199 the object of fetishism, as it in a sense already has, the
       
  1200 mystification of the aspect of RPG's traditionally associated with
       
  1201 hierarchy and power can only lead to abuse on the one hand,
       
  1202 analytic sterility on the other. As Kim points out for
       
  1203 Collaborative Storytelling, "It considers the rules system to be
       
  1204 outside of the meaningful product. Rules are judged on their
       
  1205 results for shared play, not on how the participants view the
       
  1206 process." This perspective sets aside the impact of system and
       
  1207 theory upon gameplay, asserting player freedom and collaboration
       
  1208 instead. While such a view may seem liberating, and indeed may be
       
  1209 so as against old-fashioned GM authoritarianism, it implicitly
       
  1210 claims that RPG performance occurs outside of structure, not in
       
  1211 reaction to it. But since social structures and presumptive
       
  1212 traditions of play at the least are necessarily at work in RPG
       
  1213 performance, there can be no doubt that gameplay has a structured
       
  1214 context; were this somehow not the case, and gameplay fully
       
  1215 liberated from exterior structures, there could be no possibility
       
  1216 of conflict or its resolution, as no player would have a context
       
  1217 within which to react conflictually. Thus while a particular group
       
  1218 or style may wish to formulate a liberated play modality as ideal,
       
  1219 this has an ideological function and serves to replace one
       
  1220 authoritarian structure (GM authority, game-system authority, etc.)
       
  1221 with yet another. In order for theory to advance the improvement of
       
  1222 gameplay, then, it must work to distinguish between analytical
       
  1223 activities and constructive or synthetic ones, and furthermore
       
  1224 strive to bring this to consciousness within actual play.</p>
       
  1225 <p>Second, RPG theory needs to take seriously the contributions and
       
  1226 insights of other disciplines. Eventually this should be a
       
  1227 reciprocal engagement, but this will require acceptance by academic
       
  1228 and other mainstream intellectual theorists; insofar as RPG theory
       
  1229 can support such a move, it must do so by engaging actively and
       
  1230 constructively with such theorists, in language acceptable to their
       
  1231 traditions. In the meantime, RPG theory must set aside its tendency
       
  1232 to see its analytical object as unique and thus special. William
       
  1233 James reminds us forcefully,</p>
       
  1234 
       
  1235 <div class="sidebarblock">The first thing the intellect does with
       
  1236 an object is to class it along with something else. But any object
       
  1237 that is infinitely important to us and awakens our devotion feels
       
  1238 to us also as if it must be <i>sui generis</i> and unique. Probably
       
  1239 a crab would be filled with a sense of personal outrage if it could
       
  1240 hear us class it without ado or apology as a crustacean, and thus
       
  1241 dispose of it. "I am no such thing," it would say; "I am MYSELF,
       
  1242 MYSELF alone." <a href="#note28">[28]</a></div>
       
  1243 
       
  1244 <p>James's point is clear: while we are willing to make all sorts
       
  1245 of classifications <i>within</i> RPG's, we tend to think of RPG's
       
  1246 as unique and thus special. But "unique" is simply a logical
       
  1247 category that can be applied to any object of analysis supporting
       
  1248 formulation <i>as</i> a categorical object. If RPG's are unique,
       
  1249 that does not mean they are not ritual, or social behavior; it only
       
  1250 means that they can, from a particular perspective, be formulated
       
  1251 as having some distinctive characteristics. So long as RPG theory
       
  1252 continues to formulate itself otherwise, as unique in an illogical,
       
  1253 strong sense with respect to other behaviors, such theory will
       
  1254 continue to be marked by two unfortunate properties: first, it will
       
  1255 be perpetually in the position of many religious discourses of
       
  1256 having continually to defend its boundaries against the incursions
       
  1257 of other discourses and analytical methods; and second, it will be
       
  1258 incapable of real analytical force because it has built into its
       
  1259 very self-definition essentialist biases that again require
       
  1260 constant and vigilant defense. Arguably, the tendency of much RPG
       
  1261 theory toward rigid hierarchization and toward discourse-circle
       
  1262 hegemony would thus constitute a parallel to more obviously
       
  1263 religious dogmatisms.</p>
       
  1264 
       
  1265 <p>Third, RPG theory requires models founded upon a productive and
       
  1266 reproductive, as opposed to interpretive and receptive, situation
       
  1267 of narrativity. Two obvious examples, Kim's already-cited article
       
  1268 and Liz Henry's "Power, Information, and Play in Role Playing
       
  1269 Games,"<a href="#note29">[29]</a> are admirable moves toward
       
  1270 intelligent application of exterior models, but find themselves at
       
  1271 odds with the purposes of those models. Kim's awareness of this
       
  1272 problem is clear:</p>
       
  1273 
       
  1274 <div class="sidebarblock">There are many differences between RPGs
       
  1275 and books [upon which the formalist model is built], but some are
       
  1276 more subtle than others. It is clear that RPGs have no division
       
  1277 between author and reader. Each participant both expresses and
       
  1278 interprets. Further, this calls into question what the story is.
       
  1279 The answer depends in part on what we define as the discourse or
       
  1280 "text" of RPG play.</div>
       
  1281 
       
  1282 <p>These questions are essential, and require answers; indeed, even
       
  1283 cursory examination of recent RPG theory reveals a constant concern
       
  1284 to formulate authorship, textuality, and so forth with respect to
       
  1285 RPG's. But these debates mostly run around in circles, die out, and
       
  1286 get revived with new energy but no really new formulations, with
       
  1287 endless repetitions of the cycle. The problem, in short, is that
       
  1288 formalist and hermeutical models are founded on confronting the
       
  1289 genuinely difficult problem that interpreting a text is not
       
  1290 comparable to a conversational situation; intricate and elegant
       
  1291 strategies are deployed to make sense of how we make sense of text,
       
  1292 if you will, <i>given that it is not conversation</i>. But RPG's
       
  1293 <i>are</i> conversational; the problem does not arise directly. By
       
  1294 attempting to read RPG's through such lenses, we are caught in
       
  1295 circularity: conversations are like books (except that they are not
       
  1296 face-to-face), and books are like RPG's (except that the latter are
       
  1297 face-to-face). Why not drop out the sidetrack and recognize RPG's
       
  1298 as active, dynamic, <i>conversational</i> forms of symbolic
       
  1299 manipulation? I have attempted a beginning here, but a great deal
       
  1300 more needs to be done. <a href="#note30">[30]</a></p>
       
  1301 
       
  1302 <p>Fourth, stemming from the last point, RPG theory must take into
       
  1303 account the social issues at stake and at work within the smallest,
       
  1304 most apparently arbitrary activities of play. That so much
       
  1305 discussion of "problem games" focuses on social difficulties --
       
  1306 problem players or GM's, paradigmatic clashes, etc. -- reveals that
       
  1307 the central issues in play are social. To the extent that RPG
       
  1308 theory tends to work hierarchically, from top-down (broad
       
  1309 categorical strokes before specific game issues), it mistakes the
       
  1310 actual dynamics by incorporating its analytic framework into
       
  1311 problems needing resolution; this is another means by which
       
  1312 theoretical discourse mystifies itself and its contributions, and
       
  1313 it can most effectively be challenged from within theory
       
  1314 itself.</p>
       
  1315 
       
  1316 <p>Fifth, RPG theory must, through engagement with broader social
       
  1317 theory -- particularly the mode of anthropological theory labeled
       
  1318 "practice" -- become aware of symbolic and structural manipulation
       
  1319 as a strategic part of everyday life, a set of techniques also
       
  1320 employed (and refined) within the specifically RPG context. This
       
  1321 occurs at every level of play; there can be no absolute divisions
       
  1322 between in-game and out-of-game, for the same reasons that the only
       
  1323 absolute division between a Catholic Eucharist and a Catholic's
       
  1324 everyday life is an ideological one.</p>
       
  1325 
       
  1326 <p>Finally, RPG theory must move beyond hierarchical classification
       
  1327 as a technique. There is no question that classification is a
       
  1328 valid, even necessary goal for serious analytical work. But as in
       
  1329 so many disciplines, most notably the study of religion, the
       
  1330 tendency is to use the scientific character of classification to
       
  1331 construct an aura of objectivity; we see this in discourses that
       
  1332 stress "correctness". The natural upshot of such an endeavor is to
       
  1333 reify the categories as ontologically legitimate, mystify their
       
  1334 constructed character, and thus naturalize the authority-claims
       
  1335 latent within such structures. Classification must recognize that
       
  1336 the object does not exist outside of the construction of taxa;
       
  1337 "religion" or "ritual" do not exist, but are means by which
       
  1338 historically situated and motivated people classify certain
       
  1339 behaviors. Similarly, "RPG" is not a thing, a singular object,
       
  1340 unique and discrete from others, and Narrativist orientations do
       
  1341 not differ from Simulationist or Gamist ones except insofar as we
       
  1342 construct them so. Classification is the basis of
       
  1343 <i>comparison</i>, not of truth or certainty. Until RPG theory
       
  1344 takes on board serious recognition of its comparative nature, it
       
  1345 will remain an ideology and not a science.<a href="#note31">[31]</a></p>
       
  1346 
       
  1347 <hr />
       
  1348 <!--==========================================================-->
       
  1349 
       
  1350 <h2>Notes</h2>
       
  1351 
       
  1352 <ol>
       
  1353 
       
  1354 <li><a name="note1" id="note1"></a> E.g. Ron Edwards' game <i>Sorcerer</i> (Chicago: Adept Press, 2001; see <a href="http://www.sorcerer-rpg.com">www.sorcerer-rpg.com</a>).</li>
       
  1355 
       
  1356 <li><a name="note2" id="note2"></a> Edward's views have been
       
  1357 formulated in several articles, all of which may be found at The
       
  1358 Forge ( <a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com">http://www.indie-rpgs.com</a>). Apart from the library articles, a useful recent discussion started by Edwards is "The whole model - this is it" (<a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/viewtopic.php?t=8655">http://www.indie-rpgs.com/viewtopic.php?t=8655</a>).</li>
       
  1359 
       
  1360 <li><a name="note3" id="note3"></a> Stable URL: <a href="http://www.darkshire.net/~jhkim/rpg/theory/narrative/paradigms.html">
       
  1361 http://www.darkshire.net/~jhkim/rpg/theory/narrative/paradigms.html</a></li>
       
  1362 
       
  1363 <li><a name="note4" id="note4"></a> Stable URL: <a href="news:rec.games.frp.advocacy">rec.games.frp.advocacy</a>.</li>
       
  1364 
       
  1365 <li><a name="note5" id="note5"></a> The Forge has hosted lengthy
       
  1366 discussions of how RPG play is like playing in a band (with the
       
  1367 gamemaster playing bass), how RPG play is like playing a pinball
       
  1368 machine, and so on. Examination of the range of such discussions
       
  1369 will show the two discursive thrusts: the drive for clarification
       
  1370 and precision in the metaphor, and the extension of the analogical
       
  1371 range. As a rule, such discussions end when those who find the
       
  1372 analogy helpful have formulated a version that is clear to them
       
  1373 personally, when those who do not find it so grow tired of trying,
       
  1374 and when most become frustrated with those who try to extend the
       
  1375 analogy to ludicrous, literalist extremes. These discussions are
       
  1376 not worthless --&gt;analytical models, such metaphors must be
       
  1377 formulated rigorously, with their boundaries precisely set. For
       
  1378 more casual discussion, on the other hand, one of the best
       
  1379 qualities of a forum like the Forge is that it permits this sort of
       
  1380 open speculation and play; indeed, a close analysis of the ludic
       
  1381 dimension in such RPG discourse would be valuable for understanding
       
  1382 the interrelations of RPG play and theory.</li>
       
  1383 
       
  1384 <li><a name="note6" id="note6"></a> On the issue of the "unique" as
       
  1385 special, and its problematic applications to serious analysis
       
  1386 within classificatory discourse, see Jonathan Z. Smith, "Fences and
       
  1387 Neighbors." <i>Imagining Religion</i> (Chicago: University of
       
  1388 Chicago Press, 1982), 1-18.</li>
       
  1389 
       
  1390 <li><a name="note7" id="note7"></a> See Ronald L. Grimes,
       
  1391 <i>Beginnings in Ritual Studies</i> (Washington, D.C.: University
       
  1392 Press of America, 1982); Victor W. Turner, <i>Dramas, Fields and
       
  1393 Metaphors</i> (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell UP, 1974); Turner, <i>From
       
  1394 Ritual to Theater: The Human Seriousness of Play</i> (New York:
       
  1395 Performing Arts Journal Publications, 1982). Essentially all of
       
  1396 Grimes' work work since the late 1970's fits the model am
       
  1397 describing here, as part of what he has dubbed "ritual studies".
       
  1398 Turner's work, however, took a strictly performative and dramatic
       
  1399 turn; his earliest works, while excellent, do not directly fit this
       
  1400 model, and can only be made to accord with the performative
       
  1401 perspective with considerable hindsight and, I think,
       
  1402 distortion.</li>
       
  1403 
       
  1404 <li><a name="note8" id="note8"></a> See Claude L&eacute;vi-Strauss, <i>The Savage Mind</i> (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966); L&eacute;vi-Strauss, <i>The Naked Man</i>, trans. John and Doreen Weightman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Pierre Bourdieu, <i>The Logic of Practice</i>, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1990); Sherry Ortner, "Theory in Antropology Since the Sixties", <i>Comparative Studies in Soiety and History</i> 26.1 (Jan. 1984), 126-66; Catherine Bell, <i>Ritual Theory, Ritual
       
  1405 Practice</i> (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1992).</li>
       
  1406 
       
  1407 <li><a name="note9" id="note9"></a> The French idea of <i>bricolage</i> is not directly translatable into English; we simply have no category quite like it. The <i>bricoleur</i> is a hobbyist of a sort, but elevated to a high artistic level. For the L&eacute;vi-Strauss formulation, see <i>The Savage Mind</i>, chapter 1, "The Science of the Concrete"; the translation is execrable, and those with a good command of French would be well advised to read <i>La pens&eacute;e sauvage</i>, chapter 1, "La science du concret."</li>
       
  1408 
       
  1409 <li><a name="note10" id="note10"></a> Stable URL: <a href="http://194.29.64.17/thecog/movie.html">http://194.29.64.17/thecog/movie.html</a></li>
       
  1410 
       
  1411 <li><a name="note11" id="note11"></a> I shall not go into detail on
       
  1412 hermeneutics, as it is founded primarily on philosophical
       
  1413 negotiation of the problems of interpretive reception, problems
       
  1414 relevant but not central to the analysis of RPG's. On this model,
       
  1415 see Paul Ricoeur, <i>Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences</i> (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1981). See also Umberto Eco, <i>Interpretation and Overinterpretation</i> (Cambridge: Cambridge
       
  1416 UP, 1992); and Hans Georg Gadamer, <i>Philosophical Hermeneutics</i> (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1977). Also useful, though less approachable, are Eco's <i>The Limits of Interpretation</i> (Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP, 1994) and <i>A Theory of Semiotics</i> (Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP, 1979).</li>
       
  1417 
       
  1418 <li><a name="note12" id="note12"></a> A central tenet of hegemonic
       
  1419 Forge theory.</li>
       
  1420 
       
  1421 <li><a name="note13" id="note13"></a> See Mike Holmes, "Mike's
       
  1422 Standard Rant #3: Combat System" (<a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/viewtopic.php?t=2024">http://www.indie-rpgs.com/viewtopic.php?t=2024</a>). Holmes' essential point is this: "If you don't want combat to be the focus of a game, do not include special rules for it. Especially if you don't include special rules about anything else." This "standard rant" has been discussed periodically on the Forge.</li>
       
  1423 
       
  1424 <li><a name="note14" id="note14"></a> It should be pointed out that
       
  1425 the Forge "system matters" principle does not claim that other
       
  1426 elements do not matter; the question is one of emphasis, and is
       
  1427 here an analytical distinction rather than a polemical one.</li>
       
  1428 
       
  1429 <li><a name="note15" id="note15"></a> See iago [Fred Hicks], "Long
       
  1430 Pig the RPG: Would You Play It?" (<a href="http://www.indie-rpgs.com/viewtopic.php?t=6091">http://www.indie-rpgs.com/viewtopic.php?t=6091</a>).</li>
       
  1431 
       
  1432 <li><a name="note16" id="note16"></a> Jonathan Z. Smith, "Fences
       
  1433 and Neighbors," <i>Imagining Religion: From Babylon to
       
  1434 Jonestown</i> (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 1-18.
       
  1435 The polythetic system is hardly perfectly objective, but as Smith
       
  1436 argues persuasively, it is less inherently inclined toward
       
  1437 normative claims and slippages than the monothetic, taxonomic sorts
       
  1438 of systems founded on hierarchy.</li>
       
  1439 
       
  1440 <li><a name="note17" id="note17"></a> Although see his <i>Deeply
       
  1441 Into the Bone: Reinventing Rites of Passage</i> (Berkeley and Los
       
  1442 Angeles: University of California Press, 2002), the purpose of
       
  1443 which is explicitly to formulate ritual theory as a constructive
       
  1444 discourse for people wishing to invent or reinvent their own rites
       
  1445 of passage.</li>
       
  1446 
       
  1447 <li><a name="note18" id="note18"></a> The commensuration of ritual
       
  1448 discourses and discourses about ritual, between ritual in fact as
       
  1449 analytical discourse and academic analysis as in fact ritual, is
       
  1450 outside the scope of the present paper. The argument, founded upon
       
  1451 a grammatological engagement with practice, performance, and
       
  1452 structural analysis, juxtaposed to early modern magical practice
       
  1453 and the theoretical dramaturgy of Zeami's N&ouml;, will be part of the
       
  1454 core of my book <i>Magic in Theory and Practice</i>, where I do not
       
  1455 connect it with RPG's per se.</li>
       
  1456 
       
  1457 <li><a name="note19" id="note19"></a> Arnold van Gennep, <i>The
       
  1458 Rites of Passage</i>, trans. Monika B. Vizedon and Gabrielle L.
       
  1459 Caffee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961); Victor Turner,
       
  1460 "Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Phase in <i>Rites de
       
  1461 Passage</i>," <i>Proceedings of the American Ethnological
       
  1462 Society</i>, Symposium on New Approaches to the Study of Religion,
       
  1463 1964:4-20; Turner, <i>The Ritual Process: Structure and
       
  1464 Anti-Structure</i> (Aldine de Gruyter, 1969); Turner, <i>The Forest
       
  1465 of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual</i> (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP,
       
  1466 1970).</li>
       
  1467 
       
  1468 
       
  1469 <li><a name="note20" id="note20"></a> "Betwixt and Between," 13,
       
  1470 citing Audrey I. Richards, <i>Chisungu</i> (London: Faber and
       
  1471 Faber, 1956), 209-10; the new edition is Richards, <i>Chisungu: A
       
  1472 Girl's Initiation Ceremony Among the Bemba of Zambia</i> (London:
       
  1473 Routledge, 1982).</li>
       
  1474 
       
  1475 <li><a name="note21" id="note21"></a> "Railroading," for which
       
  1476 there are numerous more or less equivalent terms, is the practice
       
  1477 of a GM essentially scripting the majority of plot events and
       
  1478 structures within a given play session or series of such. For
       
  1479 example, the GM may decide, prior to play, that he wants the PC
       
  1480 characters, all cowboys, to engage in an OK Corral-style gunfight
       
  1481 as the climax of play; when the PC's choose (via their players, of
       
  1482 course) to ride out of town to investigate a lost silver mine, the
       
  1483 GM uses various strategies to prevent them from doing this, because
       
  1484 he needs them in town in order for the gunfight to take place. Such
       
  1485 strategies range from subtle hints to overt assertions of
       
  1486 authority; a possible example would be to inform the players that
       
  1487 several of their horses are lame and cannot be ridden, then to have
       
  1488 no horses available at the town stable, then to ensure that nobody
       
  1489 in town will sell his or her own horse. By the time the players
       
  1490 have negotiated this many options, it is generally clear to
       
  1491 everyone (though very often not stated) that no matter what they
       
  1492 do, the PC's will be prevented from riding out of town.</li>
       
  1493 
       
  1494 <li><a name="note22" id="note22"></a> This point has been
       
  1495 emphasized in various RPG discussions. One common suggestion is
       
  1496 that if, for some reason, the GM actually <i>needs</i> her players
       
  1497 to follow a set of railroad tracks, the GM should react to repeated
       
  1498 attempts to jump the rails out-of-game, by saying something like,
       
  1499 "Okay, guys. I'm really not that prepared, actually, and I kind of
       
  1500 need you to go and do X. Is that okay?" While this may act
       
  1501 practically to achieve the desired effect, it depends upon the
       
  1502 rigidity of in-game/out-of-game divisions to acquire efficacy, and
       
  1503 cannot in itself be deemed a resolution of a more fundamental
       
  1504 difficulty.</li>
       
  1505 
       
  1506 <li><a name="note23" id="note23"></a> I would agree with these
       
  1507 thinkers that people never think truly independently, that is
       
  1508 unconstrained in any manner by encultured structures; the point
       
  1509 here is that even constrained thought and action has tremendous
       
  1510 flexibility and ranges of possibility, and is not simply scripted
       
  1511 or railroaded in the RPG sense.</li>
       
  1512 
       
  1513 <li><a name="note24" id="note24"></a> This division is reproduced
       
  1514 in strictly academic contexts not only with reference to ritual but
       
  1515 also to myth: myths are not "really" myths if they are invented for
       
  1516 that purpose (whatever such a purpose might be), just as rituals as
       
  1517 not "really" rituals if they are consciously invented so. The
       
  1518 intrusion of dubious ideas of consciousness, ontology, and category
       
  1519 only deflect from the central point: academics by formulating
       
  1520 critique in this fashion reproduce the ideology of authenticity
       
  1521 that authorizes and legitimates certain religious behaviors as
       
  1522 stable and non-inventive, as against the "wannabe" inventions of
       
  1523 recent "flakes" and "crazies". In a sense, we might see the
       
  1524 division here as between those who are creative within an
       
  1525 authorized framework and those who create their own framework. The
       
  1526 critique thus becomes reflexive, as indeed we should have suspected
       
  1527 it always was: the academic is really saying that she herself, by
       
  1528 being creative (doing new analytical work) within an authorized or
       
  1529 traditional framework (academic and disciplinary traditional
       
  1530 discourse) is legitimate and critical, while "crazies" (those
       
  1531 proposing unexpected critiques) fall outside the authorized
       
  1532 framework (do not have Ph.D.s, for example) and thus need not be
       
  1533 taken seriously.</li>
       
  1534 
       
  1535 <li><a name="note25" id="note25"></a> It would be interesting to
       
  1536 consider whether the apparent (though entirely anecdotal) overlap
       
  1537 between RPG communities and Neopagan ones might be at least partly
       
  1538 rooted here. In the absence of serious sociological data, I suspect
       
  1539 that an effective technique here would be close analysis of White
       
  1540 Wolf's various Neopagan-oriented games (especially <i>Werewolf: The
       
  1541 Apocalypse</i> and several of the <i>Ars Magica</i> supplements)
       
  1542 with respect to ritual/magical creativity, criticism of religion,
       
  1543 and criticism of what the authors refer to as "traditional" games
       
  1544 in their explanations of how their games are special and
       
  1545 different.</li>
       
  1546 
       
  1547 <li><a name="note26" id="note26"></a> This is a purely hypothetical
       
  1548 construct; I know of no such actual response among Bemba, and the
       
  1549 example is deliberately over-simplified for heuristic reasons.</li>
       
  1550 
       
  1551 <li><a name="note27" id="note27"></a> L&eacute;vi-Strauss, <i>The Savage Mind</i>, 30-32; the reference on the Gahuku-Gama is to K. E. Read, "Leadership and Consensus in a New Guinea Society." <i>American
       
  1552 Anthropologist</i> 61.3 (1959): 429.</li>
       
  1553 
       
  1554 <li><a name="note28" id="note28"></a> William James, <i>The
       
  1555 Varieties of Religious Experience</i> (New York: Longmans, Green,
       
  1556 and Co., 1902), 9. See also Jonathan Z. Smith, "Fences and
       
  1557 Neighbors" for a penetrating discussion of the "unique" in
       
  1558 theoretical discourses.</li>
       
  1559 
       
  1560 <li><a name="note29" id="note29"></a> <a href="http://www.darkshire.net/%7Ejhkim/rpg/theory/liz-paper-2003/">http://www.darkshire.net/~jhkim/rpg/theory/liz-paper-2003/</a></li>
       
  1561 
       
  1562 <li><a name="note30" id="note30"></a> The same point might be made
       
  1563 about Edwards's dependence upon Lajos Egri's constructive models
       
  1564 for creative writing, models poorly suited to <i>analytical</i>
       
  1565 purposes. In essence, Edwards asserts that Egri's models fit RPG's,
       
  1566 except that the product is entirely different, authorship is
       
  1567 shared, and really the Threefold Model is analytic rather than
       
  1568 constructive. More recently, Edwards has noted that Egri's model
       
  1569 (especially with regard to "premise") only applies properly to
       
  1570 Narrativist play.</li>
       
  1571 
       
  1572 <li><a name="note31" id="note31"></a> Here I take science to be a
       
  1573 reflexive and self-critical attempt to differentiate and understand
       
  1574 its analytical objects. There can be no question that modern
       
  1575 science, in the usual sense, does not always fulfill these
       
  1576 criteria, in particular because it tends to claim objectivity
       
  1577 instead of constructed reflexivity. But given the need for such
       
  1578 reflexive awareness, the goals and ideals of science remain worthy
       
  1579 of theoretical discourse; see the introduction and first chapters
       
  1580 of Bourdieu's <i>The Logic of Practice</i> for a brilliant (if dense)
       
  1581 formulation of scientific analysis that recognizes and takes
       
  1582 seriously its own constructed nature. For comparison as a discourse
       
  1583 and a method, Jonathan Z. Smith's <i>Imagining Religion</i> should be the starting-point of any attempt at theoretical construction.</li>
       
  1584 
       
  1585 </ol>
       
  1586 
       
  1587 </div>
       
  1588 
       
  1589 
       
  1590 <hr />
       
  1591 
       
  1592 <div id="footer" >
       
  1593 	<address><small>Christopher I. Lehrich &lt;clehrich@bu.edu&gt;</small></address>
       
  1594 <address><small>Converted to HTML by John H. Kim &lt;jhkim@darkshire.org&gt;</small></address>
       
  1595 
       
  1596 <!-- hhmts start -->
       
  1597 <small>Last modified: 19:13 AM 10/01/2005</small>
       
  1598 <!-- hhmts end -->
       
  1599 
       
  1600 <p><small><i>The Forge</i> created and administrated by <a href="mailto:webmaster@indie-rpgs.com">Clinton R. Nixon</a> and <a href="mailto:sorcerer@sorcerer-rpg.com">Ron Edwards</a>.<br />
       
  1601 All articles, reviews, and posts on this site are copyright their
       
  1602 designated author.</small></p>
       
  1603 
       
  1604 </div>
       
  1605 
       
  1606 </body>
       
  1607 </html>